The Natives in the Conquest of Mexico: Colonial Latin American Studies in the first three lustrums of the XXI century
Verónica Morales
Texas Tech University
The conquest of Mexico was a historical event that produced radical changes in both the old and the New World. Spain benefited immensely from the riches found on the other side of the ocean, while New Spain was experiencing a cultural shock caused by religious impositions and language. The natives played a very important role in this historical period since. Without them, the defeat of the Aztec empire could not have been possible. However, chroniclers who participated in this event directly or indirectly did not give natives the credit they deserved. So now that five hundred years have passed after the fall of Tenochtitlan, historian Matthew Restall, with his book, When Moctezuma met Cortés, set off to rescue the historical memory of those years by vindicating Aztec authority, in particular, Moctezuma. But why write a book that enlarges this Mexican historical character? The answer to this question is simple: The conquest of Mexico and the defeat of Moctezuma have remained in the historical memory of Mexicans and non-Mexicans alike, yet highly distorted due to the bias of the European accounts of this event. Another reason is to honor some of the unknown characters who participated in these historical events. Finally, and the most important for Restall, to change the image of tyrant that has been assigned to Moctezuma since the conquest of Mexico.
The infamous November 8, 1519, in which Moctezuma met Cortés was for Restall a "great fallacy" that made us believe the version of the Spanish colonizers. The Aztec emperor never accepted his surrender before but quite the opposite; what he was admitting was the surrender of the Spanish invaders. Restall deconstructs the known history of the conquest and capture of Moctezuma to unveil a version that reverses our perception of both the Mexican emperor and Cortés. This British historian continuously mentions that the history of the conquest of Mexico was copied from chronicler to chronicler and that is why most of them contain very similar versions of each other. The claim of a brave Moctezuma, loved by his people, respected and respectable warrior and wise ruler is noted in this book. His death was planned from the moment of his capture, and when he was no longer useful to the cunning Spanish conqueror, he was murdered.
After analyzing in depth how the story of this Tenochca character has been misrepresented, Restall assumes the task of investigating an innovative version that reveals more credible actions of both protagonists. His work focuses on the analysis of the indigenous people and the perception the conquest had of them, using academic essays of the first three lustrums of this XXI century.
Similarly, in a shorter publication, Ruano de la Haza, a literary scholar of the Royal Spanish Academy, argues about the different masks or personalities that Cortés used both with his allies, the Tlaxcaltecs, as well as his friends, the militia and even the king of Spain in order to justify his advances in Mexico. He uses the comedy of Fernando de Zárate, pseudonym of the Portuguese playwright Antonio Enriquez Gomez, to show the masks of the European conqueror. Ruano de la Haza argues that this play creates an awareness of the true character of Cortés as he shows his virtues as well as his flaws. Ruano de la Haza, similarly to Restall, attempts to provide a version of Cortés that does not portray him as a hero.
Viveros Espinoza, a doctor in Latin American studies, proposes a historical review that gives credit to the Tlaxcaltecs for the conquest of the Mexica empire. His article mentions several historical figures such as Cortés, Narváez, the Tlaxcaltecs and the Malinche who contributed largely to the success of the conquest of Mexico. Similarly, it makes an exhaustive analysis of the biography of Diego Muñoz Camargo, a Spanish historian whose father was at the service of Hernán Cortés. Muñoz Camargo insisted that the conquest could not have been possible without the intervention of these indigenous agents, arguing, “Yo puedo decir con total honestidad que sin ellos nunca hubiéramos conquistado esta tierra." (17)[1] These thoughts are planted in his book, Descripción de la ciudad y provincia de Tlaxcala, which was sent to the king of Spain Felipe II in the year 1585. With this in mind, Viveros Espinoza argues, like Restall, that history must be understood from a different perspective since the history of the conquest is built through many characters and does not revolve around Hernán Cortés alone.
In a similar manner, we find an article by Leetoy, a cultural scholar from the University of Alberta, Canada. His primary research focuses on the cultural and political. In this work, Leetoy focuses on the dichotomy between the "good savage" (an indigenous that was not influenced by civilization) and the "indigenous barbarian" of the Indies. The colonizers, trying to justify the genocide and looting that was perpetrated against the Native Americans, described them as barbarians who could not understand the language of the Spaniards since most of them could not articulate words, but rather "barked like dogs." On the other hand, they were stigmatized as good savages by other conquerors, mainly evangelizers like Fray Toribio de Motolinia and Bartolomé De las Casas who defended the natives, arguing that everyone wanted to convert to the Catholic religion since they were docile vassals. Leetoy mainly argues that these appellatives were granted to Native Americans according to the ideological interests of the colonizers. Likewise, this work mentions the main goals that the Spanish kingdom had in the Americas. On one hand, the indoctrination of the natives and, on the other hand, military domination. In other words, the conquest was carried out through "cross and sword."
Natives during the conquest took a role of great significant impact. That was the particular case of Doña Marina, better known as the Malinche. She was the one who made possible the dialogue between Spaniards and Nahuas. For this reason, the article by Navarrete mainly focuses on this Nahuatl princess and her importance in the conquest of Mexico. Her role as the interpreter of Hernán Cortés allows, in the words of this author, the overthrow of a civilization as powerful as the Aztec empire in the sixteenth century. The iconography of this female figure in the Lienzos de Tlaxcala allows a comparative analysis with the representation of the Virgin Mary, because the main Spanish conquerors, among them Cortés, were fervent Catholics who intended to Christianize the conquered people. The Virgin represents a new religion for the natives, and the Malinche is the official spokesperson that makes possible, through her translations and advice to the Spaniards, the access to the new Catholic religion. Navarrete's arguments for this analysis are based on the artistic appearance of Doña Marina next to Cortés and even sometimes in front of him, demonstrating the importance she had for the Spaniards. All this, in the words of Navarrete, can be analyzed through the significant art made by different Tlaxcalan artists who expressed their truth in those canvases.
Purposes of the Texts
There are various purposes for these writers. For Restall, one of the main objectives of his book is to vindicate Emperor Moctezuma of the negative portrayal, which is used to justify the conquest of Mexico. Following this same line, Navarrete does a similar job, but with the character of Malitzin. His thesis is developed in the symbolic representation of Malinche in Tlaxcala and how her role as mediator provided her with such an important rank that the natives called Hernán Cortés with her name, that is, “Marina’s captain." Viveros Espinoza aims to provide a critical approach to the agency of the indigenous people concerning the success in the conquest of Mexico. He does so through a deep approach to the book by Diego Muñoz Camargo, Descripción de la ciudad y provincia de Tlaxcala (1584). For Leetoy, the main objective in his critical literary article is to compare the racial ideologies used by different historical figures who participated in the conquest of America during the 16th and 17th centuries. This is achieved through the study of Foucault and his definition of the "Good Savage" and the "Barbarian." On one hand, Leetoy argues that for this French philosopher, the definition of savage is related to the solitary individual, for when interacting with someone else, they cease to be savages. While the barbarian is a civilized individual who fails to fit into the civilized society to which he belongs, showing resentment against it. Ruano de la Haza, on the other hand, provides a literary critique of Hernán Cortés' personality and the events of the conquest of Mexico. This is achieved through the analysis of the comedy by Fernando Zárate, La conquista de México, which shows a conquering hero (Cortés) who was so bold that he knew how to use different masks to achieve his goals.
Restall deconstructs the character of Cortés and calls him an ordinary man with an extraordinary mental ability who achieves his goals through deception. For this reason, he uses the analysis of primary texts written by characters who participated directly or indirectly in the colonization of the New World. However, his main analysis are those texts suitable for glorifying Moctezuma. Among those that stand out are Bartolomé de las Casas and Fray Toribio de Motolinia’s writings. It can be assumed that he uses the texts of these chroniclers to support his thesis, which raises another version of the history of the conquest. Las Casas is against the vexations headed by Cortés, which is why Restall mentions, “Las Casas insisted that Gómara was Cortés’ crony and personal historian, and he only wrote what Cortés himself told him to write" (153). An assertion supported by a large body of scholarship. His book is divided into three parts with a total of eight chapters. These include themes of civilization and barbarism, the culture shock, the zoo, the wild nobleman, the sacrifices and the idols. Regarding the zoo, this British historian argues that for the highest Aztec authority, the care and preservation of animals was of the utmost importance. His zoo had all the flora and fauna species that existed in America. Despite this uniqueness, Cortés burned it: “Cortés later admitted that during the siege of Tenochtitlan, he deliberately destroyed these aviaries. Having set fire to the palace where Moctezuma had hosted the invaders some eighteen months earlier…” (123-24). The zoo is a reliable proof for Restall that the Tenochca emperor had a great respect for nature and its habitat. He took care of all those members of his empire, "… a sort of Aztec national health-care system, which satisfied the emperor’s vain sense of obligation to take [such Care of the Health of his Vassals]” (123). The connection that Restall makes between the zoo and Moctezuma is that this Aztec leader took care of the life of all living beings that lived in his empire. In other words, the personality of the tlatoani was of benevolence and not of a tyrant, an adjective used to justify his death.
Restall relies on several secondary sources written throughout the years, which show ambitious conquerors capable of carrying out all kinds of atrocities in order to fulfill their objectives. On the other hand, the footnotes he provides at the end of the book offer more detailed explanations of both the primary and secondary texts. In many instances, they are cited in the original language [Spanish]. The novelty of this book is that it justifies, with a variety of critical texts, the defamation made against Moctezuma, and how the idea of barbarism was created in the towns of the new continent. This book makes the reader aware of the exaggeration, invention and imagination of chroniclers and historians, both eyewitnesses and non-witnesses close to these historical events who transferred this information from one to another, causing a distortion of historical reality.
Like Restall, Navarrete's work belongs to the historiographic field whose objective is the analysis and interpretation of history. The novelty in this work is that it vindicates Malinche by giving her an important role in the conquest, and it is not only because she was an interpreter but more than anything because she was a native woman who had relevance in the 16th century. Navarrete’s work validates it through the analysis of paintings made by Tlaxcaltecan artists, called "Tlaxcaltecan Codes" which express the way in which they perceived the history of this historical period. Navarrete argues, "Estas historias o códices, como suelen llamarse las historias visuales mesoamericanas, buscaban demostrar la importancia fundamental de la contribución tlaxcalteca para la victoria española y así confirmar y obtener privilegios del gobierno virreinal y de la corona española” (291)[2] This is explained in more detail in the footnotes which can be consulted, particular Tlaxcalan images and cited texts, mainly on Tlaxcalan thought. What is not mentioned in this article in depth is the carnal relationship that Malinche had with Cortés. This is not mentioned at all. It does not mention Cortés and Malinche's son, the product of this relationship, by the name of Martín Cortés. This is important to mention since Doña Mariana was always relegated for being indigenous. Cortés may not have found a marriage with Marina convenient, so she never acquired the role of the conqueror's legitimate wife. Navarrete gives Bernal Díaz del Castillo the courage to provide details about her.
On his part, Viveros Espinoza divides his historiographic article into four moments: The first responds to a clarification about the concept of the Indians. The second corresponds to the description of the text. The third reveals the Tlaxcaltecs as conquering Indians and finally reconsiders the purpose of Muñoz Camargo's book. His footnotes are useful in analyzing the Tlaxcala canvases and other texts. This data helps the reader better understand his interpretation of what the natives wanted to express in their codices. Viveros Espinoza wants to highlight that the Tlaxcaltecs were the true conquerors which wanted to have the domain that at that time belonged to the Aztecs, “Muñoz Camargo relata como lo capitanes tlaxcaltecas proponen una estrategia focalizada en la conquista y el control de la provincia del Tepeyac y a todos sus alrededores y comarcas” (25)[3] They help the Spaniards because they know they will benefit from the situation that was occurring. Viveros Espinoza proposes to give the natives the title of "unifiers" who accept the Catholic religion and also the miscegenation product of the fusion of these two cultures.
Following this same line, Ruano de la Haza's article is divided into two parts. The first makes a comparison of Matthew Restall’s book Seven Myths of the Spanish Conquest. The second examines Fernando Zárate's comedy, providing an analysis of how the Spanish conqueror was perceived in the 17th century. This comedy praises a heroic Cortés, capable of conquering an empire and, as if that were not enough, he was blessed by God: “Pero para un espectador contemporáneo la escena debía de ser perfectamente coherente. Los españoles son soldados de Cristo que demuestran la superioridad de su Dios por la fuerza de las armas” (198)[4] His work allows a deeper analysis of the primary text of Fernando Zárate which compares slightly with a work by Lope de Vega titled El nuevo mundo descubierto por Cristóbal Colón. Ruano de la Haza delves into descriptions of the Spanish and indigenous populations of those times. These notes provide titles for both books and articles that deal with similar topics but are not included in this analysis. The novelty of this article is that it shows the true identity of Cortés as a cunning conqueror. He argues that the conquest could be carried out by the audacity of this man when using different masks/personalities. His work is validated by the analysis of Zárate's work and in accordance with the mythological arguments of the historian Matthew Restall.
Leetoy divides his article into two main themes. One, Los discursos de las mitologías del otro where he analyzes the signs of civilization and barbarism that the Spanish perceived in these native populations. The second theme is Justificando la invasión: las polémicas de subjetivación del indígena en la Nueva España, it is argued that the Catholic religion had a very important rank within the conquest of the Indies and that this allowed the justification that entailed all kinds of vexations committed against the Amerindian. It is also argued that such a deal was necessary in order to indoctrinate them.
To this Leetoy argues that, "Se podría decir que los conquistadores y catequizadores que llegaban a América desarrollan un fuerte dispositivo psicológico que los hace justificar sus deseos de posesión de tierras y almas si importar los excesos cometidos" (145)[5] These justifications were those used by the colonizers to be transmitted to the Old World and thus achieve the acceptance of the crown to move forward with the conquest of Mexico. The novelty of this article is to show the reader the ideological polarization in which the American Indian was immersed. Leetoy’s article relies on several primary texts by important characters such as Hernán Cortés, Bernal Díaz del Castillo, Bartolomé de las Casas, Fernández de Oviedo, López de Gómara, Fray Toribio de Motolinía and Juan Sepúlveda. This coupled with Michael Foucault's analysis of the savage and the barbarian. The citations used in this article complement and validate Leetoy's thesis that is based on the argumentation of the polarized dichotomy to represent the natives of the Indies, as well as demonstrating that the main objective of this conquest was due partly to indoctrinate the natives while dominating militarily.
Supporting Sources
Restall’s book, When Moctezuma met Cortés, relies on archival sources from the General Archive of the Indies in Seville, Spain and the General Archive of the Nation, in Mexico City. These texts allow the British historian to deconstruct the arguments presented to the crown in the 16th century since they contain different versions of the conquest of Mexico. The printed primary historiographical sources that are given the most emphasis are those that support the defense of the indigenous people in Mexico, such as Bartolomé de Las Casas, and Fray Toribio de Benavente. However, the texts of Juan de Sepúlveda, Cartas de Relación de Cortés, and the contribution of Francisco López de Gómara, among others, are used as a counterpart to what Restall proposes in his book. Within the secondary sources, we find renowned writers and literary critics such as Rolena Adorno, Elizabeth Boone and David Carrasco. The latter analyzes the supernatural in the Mexican cosmovision. There is intertextuality with other works of his, and he relies heavily on the text of Ignacio Romero Vargas with his book Moctezuma el Magnifico y la invasión de Anáhuac which follows the same line as Restall when refusing the way the story of the conquest was told: “…Cortés was no more than a [bandit], and his [invation]…and act of barbarism contrary to just law and a violation of the laws of human civilization” (250). The use of visual sources is also of paramount importance in this book as they provide the reader with the stigmatization of the Aztec culture through paintings, photographs, maps, and even cartoon comic fragments. The map of Mexico City made in 1519 shows the enormous territory that this Tenochca empire owned as well as the location of their allies. The codices show the indigenous population laying themselves at the service of the European invaders. The paintings where Moctezuma appears are exalting him as king of his people. Also shown are images of the Florentine Codices where the cremation of Moctezuma and Itzquauhtzin is represented, contradicting Cortés' version, where he argues that the Spanish gave the Aztec emperor a Christian burial.
On the other hand, Navarrete uses primary texts of chronicles such as Cartas de Relación de Cortés, Bernal Díaz del Castillo and Diego Muñoz Camargo to make a comparison of the figure of Malinche. That is, it contrasts Cortés against Bernal Díaz and Muñoz Camargo to point out how this conqueror never gave this historical character the value deserved. Navarrete uses the historiographic text of Bernal Díaz because he is the only one who makes explicitly mentions that her help was essential for the dialogue between Moctezuma and Cortés. The secondary sources used by Navarrete revindicate Doña Marina. Some of the sources incude Elizabeth Boone and James Lockhart. The use of visual sources supports Navarrete's work since Malitzin's figure appears next to Cortés, leading him to the top to overthrow the Aztec empire. These images are from four different canvases of Tlaxcala where you can see the baptism of Marina and her contribution in the conquest of Mexico. These images show the acceptance of the religion imposed by the Spaniards. In other words, she was a "noble savage." Like Restall, Navarrete does not use texts that would distort his argument, such as Juan de Sepúlveda, who saw the natives as barbarians unable to understand civilization.
Viveros Espinoza supports his work, as does Navarrete in primary texts of chronicles such as Las Cartas de Relación de Cortés, Bernal Díaz del Castillo and Diego Muñoz Camargo. These sources allow him to support his argument that the Tlaxcaltecs played an essential role in the conquest of Mexico. Secondary sources such as Walter Mignolo, Matthew Restall and Federico Navarrete interfere in favor of what is proposed by Viveros Espinoza. Like the previous writers, Viveros Espinoza uses only those critics who support his argument. For obvious reasons, he does not use texts that do not value Tlaxcaltec participation in this historical event, which was the defeat of the Aztec empire. Viveros Espinoza uses visual sources made by the historian Muñoz Camargo where the war that existed between these two bitter enemies is embodied; Tlaxcaltecs and Aztecs. The images presented by Viveros Espinoza also show how the Tlaxcaltecs were pacified and the service they provided to the crown, helping the Spanish invaders. It can be said that the work of Viveros Espinoza goes hand in hand with that of Restall, since both try to deconstruct the story; one by arguing that the Tlaxcaltecs were the true conquerors and the other deconstructing a false Cortés.
Ruano de la Haza analyzes and compares two important writers in his article: Matthew Restall Seventh Myths of the Spanish Conquest and Bolivian playwright Fernando Zárate with his work La conquista de México. These two sources make up Ruano de la Haza's thesis, which deals with the indirect criticism of the Spanish conqueror Hernán Cortés regarding all the masks he used to achieve his objectives during the conquest of Mexico. The primary historiographic source that Ruano de la Haza uses is that of Bernal Díaz del Castillo and Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca because they tell the story of the conquest in a different way from what Cortés does. Since Ruano de la Haza, as well as Restall, Viveros Espinoza and Navarrete, intend to deconstruct the history of different characters involved in the conquest of Mexico, the case of Cortés is going to rely on secondary sources such as Henry Kamen and Ronald Wright. These two historians provide contributions that are useful for Ruano de la Haza regarding the different personalities that Cortés used. The sources justify its use since they contribute to demystifying the conquering hero who acted according to his convenience.
On his part, Salvador Leetoy uses primary sources of chronicles such as Bartolomé de las Casas, Hernán Cortés, Cristóbal Colon, Francisco López de Gómara, Fray Toribio de Motolinía and Juan de Sepúlveda. Because Leetoy makes an ethnic comparison in the conquest of Mexico, he uses Michael Foucault and his ideology about the good savage and the barbarian, showing the perspectives of Native Americans during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The work of the French philosopher, Defender la Sociedad, allows Leetoy to argue about these polarized dichotomies with which the Amerindians were stereotyped. On the other hand, secondary sources of historians such as Luis Villoro and Hayden White provide Leetoy with usable arguments about the indigenism he addresses in his article. These sources, both primary and secondary, justify their use in this work because they contradict each other, forming the ideologies of the wild noble in opposition to the wild barbarian that began during the conquest of the New World.
Conclusions
The infamous day when Moctezuma met Cortés has been a subject of utmost interest among scholars. Mainly, to present new historical perspectives of what happened in Mexico Tenochtitlan. As it is well known, the natives played an essential role during the conquest period. Although different versions were written about them, some justifying the war, others defending them against the mistreatments perpetrated by the colonizers, today the credibility of these letters, chronicles, and primary books concerning these historical events remain debatable. For this, Restall assumes the task of writing a book that claims the vindication of the penultimate Aztec emperor. He achieves the goal, and although he (Restall) is not able to change the history, he invites us to create a different perspective from what is already established in the traditional conquest accounts.
Navarrete's article complements this new perspective since he argues that the identity of the Malinche played an indispensable role for both the conquerors and the conquered. Doña Marina, as a woman and as an Indian, was not able to occupy an important role in the texts nor in Spanish society. For this reason, the conquerer does not mention her in his letter, Cartas de relación. If we read this article both from an indigenist and feminist perspective, we can say that it fulfills perfectly with all of the principal characteristics of these theories. Nonetheless, this article does not revindicate all indigenous women, who like Malitzin, offered their services to the pre-Colombian civilizations.
The article by Viveros Espinoza is also written with the intention of adding nuance to the Tlaxcaltecs, who are usually perceived as the ones that made the Aztec overthrow possible. Viveros Espinoza’s work emphasizes the Tlaxcalans agency in the overthrow of the Aztecs, while reminding us of their short-sightedness regarding the Spanish power. Their overall goal, according to Viveros was to place themselves in a position of power as well.
Ruano de la Haza's article shows how Zárate's work goes out of its way to flatter the conqueror Hernán Cortés, while indirectly criticizing him by giving some value to the victims of that conquest. These criticisms reflect the disapproval of many people, but they were not able to express their opinions for fear of being harmed.
Lastly, Leetoy, following the same line, exposes how the ideological constructions of the indigenous placed a stigma of good savage or barbarian, as it is clear by the intentions of the conquerors. His work helps understand how the violent actions that were perpetrated against the original peoples were justified. This text could delve a little deeper into the analysis of how the natives themselves conquered other peoples to further understand their concept of war and tribute.
The field of Colonial Studies continues to provide valuable contributions, such as the ones reviewed here. The texts analyzed in this work vindicate the figure of the indigenous agents, giving them the value they deserve for being members of the society that was invaded by European colonizers. Similarly, the historical deconstruction of the conquest is worked from different angles by each of these writers.
The infamous November 8, 1519, in which Moctezuma met Cortés was for Restall a "great fallacy" that made us believe the version of the Spanish colonizers. The Aztec emperor never accepted his surrender before but quite the opposite; what he was admitting was the surrender of the Spanish invaders. Restall deconstructs the known history of the conquest and capture of Moctezuma to unveil a version that reverses our perception of both the Mexican emperor and Cortés. This British historian continuously mentions that the history of the conquest of Mexico was copied from chronicler to chronicler and that is why most of them contain very similar versions of each other. The claim of a brave Moctezuma, loved by his people, respected and respectable warrior and wise ruler is noted in this book. His death was planned from the moment of his capture, and when he was no longer useful to the cunning Spanish conqueror, he was murdered.
After analyzing in depth how the story of this Tenochca character has been misrepresented, Restall assumes the task of investigating an innovative version that reveals more credible actions of both protagonists. His work focuses on the analysis of the indigenous people and the perception the conquest had of them, using academic essays of the first three lustrums of this XXI century.
Similarly, in a shorter publication, Ruano de la Haza, a literary scholar of the Royal Spanish Academy, argues about the different masks or personalities that Cortés used both with his allies, the Tlaxcaltecs, as well as his friends, the militia and even the king of Spain in order to justify his advances in Mexico. He uses the comedy of Fernando de Zárate, pseudonym of the Portuguese playwright Antonio Enriquez Gomez, to show the masks of the European conqueror. Ruano de la Haza argues that this play creates an awareness of the true character of Cortés as he shows his virtues as well as his flaws. Ruano de la Haza, similarly to Restall, attempts to provide a version of Cortés that does not portray him as a hero.
Viveros Espinoza, a doctor in Latin American studies, proposes a historical review that gives credit to the Tlaxcaltecs for the conquest of the Mexica empire. His article mentions several historical figures such as Cortés, Narváez, the Tlaxcaltecs and the Malinche who contributed largely to the success of the conquest of Mexico. Similarly, it makes an exhaustive analysis of the biography of Diego Muñoz Camargo, a Spanish historian whose father was at the service of Hernán Cortés. Muñoz Camargo insisted that the conquest could not have been possible without the intervention of these indigenous agents, arguing, “Yo puedo decir con total honestidad que sin ellos nunca hubiéramos conquistado esta tierra." (17)[1] These thoughts are planted in his book, Descripción de la ciudad y provincia de Tlaxcala, which was sent to the king of Spain Felipe II in the year 1585. With this in mind, Viveros Espinoza argues, like Restall, that history must be understood from a different perspective since the history of the conquest is built through many characters and does not revolve around Hernán Cortés alone.
In a similar manner, we find an article by Leetoy, a cultural scholar from the University of Alberta, Canada. His primary research focuses on the cultural and political. In this work, Leetoy focuses on the dichotomy between the "good savage" (an indigenous that was not influenced by civilization) and the "indigenous barbarian" of the Indies. The colonizers, trying to justify the genocide and looting that was perpetrated against the Native Americans, described them as barbarians who could not understand the language of the Spaniards since most of them could not articulate words, but rather "barked like dogs." On the other hand, they were stigmatized as good savages by other conquerors, mainly evangelizers like Fray Toribio de Motolinia and Bartolomé De las Casas who defended the natives, arguing that everyone wanted to convert to the Catholic religion since they were docile vassals. Leetoy mainly argues that these appellatives were granted to Native Americans according to the ideological interests of the colonizers. Likewise, this work mentions the main goals that the Spanish kingdom had in the Americas. On one hand, the indoctrination of the natives and, on the other hand, military domination. In other words, the conquest was carried out through "cross and sword."
Natives during the conquest took a role of great significant impact. That was the particular case of Doña Marina, better known as the Malinche. She was the one who made possible the dialogue between Spaniards and Nahuas. For this reason, the article by Navarrete mainly focuses on this Nahuatl princess and her importance in the conquest of Mexico. Her role as the interpreter of Hernán Cortés allows, in the words of this author, the overthrow of a civilization as powerful as the Aztec empire in the sixteenth century. The iconography of this female figure in the Lienzos de Tlaxcala allows a comparative analysis with the representation of the Virgin Mary, because the main Spanish conquerors, among them Cortés, were fervent Catholics who intended to Christianize the conquered people. The Virgin represents a new religion for the natives, and the Malinche is the official spokesperson that makes possible, through her translations and advice to the Spaniards, the access to the new Catholic religion. Navarrete's arguments for this analysis are based on the artistic appearance of Doña Marina next to Cortés and even sometimes in front of him, demonstrating the importance she had for the Spaniards. All this, in the words of Navarrete, can be analyzed through the significant art made by different Tlaxcalan artists who expressed their truth in those canvases.
Purposes of the Texts
There are various purposes for these writers. For Restall, one of the main objectives of his book is to vindicate Emperor Moctezuma of the negative portrayal, which is used to justify the conquest of Mexico. Following this same line, Navarrete does a similar job, but with the character of Malitzin. His thesis is developed in the symbolic representation of Malinche in Tlaxcala and how her role as mediator provided her with such an important rank that the natives called Hernán Cortés with her name, that is, “Marina’s captain." Viveros Espinoza aims to provide a critical approach to the agency of the indigenous people concerning the success in the conquest of Mexico. He does so through a deep approach to the book by Diego Muñoz Camargo, Descripción de la ciudad y provincia de Tlaxcala (1584). For Leetoy, the main objective in his critical literary article is to compare the racial ideologies used by different historical figures who participated in the conquest of America during the 16th and 17th centuries. This is achieved through the study of Foucault and his definition of the "Good Savage" and the "Barbarian." On one hand, Leetoy argues that for this French philosopher, the definition of savage is related to the solitary individual, for when interacting with someone else, they cease to be savages. While the barbarian is a civilized individual who fails to fit into the civilized society to which he belongs, showing resentment against it. Ruano de la Haza, on the other hand, provides a literary critique of Hernán Cortés' personality and the events of the conquest of Mexico. This is achieved through the analysis of the comedy by Fernando Zárate, La conquista de México, which shows a conquering hero (Cortés) who was so bold that he knew how to use different masks to achieve his goals.
Restall deconstructs the character of Cortés and calls him an ordinary man with an extraordinary mental ability who achieves his goals through deception. For this reason, he uses the analysis of primary texts written by characters who participated directly or indirectly in the colonization of the New World. However, his main analysis are those texts suitable for glorifying Moctezuma. Among those that stand out are Bartolomé de las Casas and Fray Toribio de Motolinia’s writings. It can be assumed that he uses the texts of these chroniclers to support his thesis, which raises another version of the history of the conquest. Las Casas is against the vexations headed by Cortés, which is why Restall mentions, “Las Casas insisted that Gómara was Cortés’ crony and personal historian, and he only wrote what Cortés himself told him to write" (153). An assertion supported by a large body of scholarship. His book is divided into three parts with a total of eight chapters. These include themes of civilization and barbarism, the culture shock, the zoo, the wild nobleman, the sacrifices and the idols. Regarding the zoo, this British historian argues that for the highest Aztec authority, the care and preservation of animals was of the utmost importance. His zoo had all the flora and fauna species that existed in America. Despite this uniqueness, Cortés burned it: “Cortés later admitted that during the siege of Tenochtitlan, he deliberately destroyed these aviaries. Having set fire to the palace where Moctezuma had hosted the invaders some eighteen months earlier…” (123-24). The zoo is a reliable proof for Restall that the Tenochca emperor had a great respect for nature and its habitat. He took care of all those members of his empire, "… a sort of Aztec national health-care system, which satisfied the emperor’s vain sense of obligation to take [such Care of the Health of his Vassals]” (123). The connection that Restall makes between the zoo and Moctezuma is that this Aztec leader took care of the life of all living beings that lived in his empire. In other words, the personality of the tlatoani was of benevolence and not of a tyrant, an adjective used to justify his death.
Restall relies on several secondary sources written throughout the years, which show ambitious conquerors capable of carrying out all kinds of atrocities in order to fulfill their objectives. On the other hand, the footnotes he provides at the end of the book offer more detailed explanations of both the primary and secondary texts. In many instances, they are cited in the original language [Spanish]. The novelty of this book is that it justifies, with a variety of critical texts, the defamation made against Moctezuma, and how the idea of barbarism was created in the towns of the new continent. This book makes the reader aware of the exaggeration, invention and imagination of chroniclers and historians, both eyewitnesses and non-witnesses close to these historical events who transferred this information from one to another, causing a distortion of historical reality.
Like Restall, Navarrete's work belongs to the historiographic field whose objective is the analysis and interpretation of history. The novelty in this work is that it vindicates Malinche by giving her an important role in the conquest, and it is not only because she was an interpreter but more than anything because she was a native woman who had relevance in the 16th century. Navarrete’s work validates it through the analysis of paintings made by Tlaxcaltecan artists, called "Tlaxcaltecan Codes" which express the way in which they perceived the history of this historical period. Navarrete argues, "Estas historias o códices, como suelen llamarse las historias visuales mesoamericanas, buscaban demostrar la importancia fundamental de la contribución tlaxcalteca para la victoria española y así confirmar y obtener privilegios del gobierno virreinal y de la corona española” (291)[2] This is explained in more detail in the footnotes which can be consulted, particular Tlaxcalan images and cited texts, mainly on Tlaxcalan thought. What is not mentioned in this article in depth is the carnal relationship that Malinche had with Cortés. This is not mentioned at all. It does not mention Cortés and Malinche's son, the product of this relationship, by the name of Martín Cortés. This is important to mention since Doña Mariana was always relegated for being indigenous. Cortés may not have found a marriage with Marina convenient, so she never acquired the role of the conqueror's legitimate wife. Navarrete gives Bernal Díaz del Castillo the courage to provide details about her.
On his part, Viveros Espinoza divides his historiographic article into four moments: The first responds to a clarification about the concept of the Indians. The second corresponds to the description of the text. The third reveals the Tlaxcaltecs as conquering Indians and finally reconsiders the purpose of Muñoz Camargo's book. His footnotes are useful in analyzing the Tlaxcala canvases and other texts. This data helps the reader better understand his interpretation of what the natives wanted to express in their codices. Viveros Espinoza wants to highlight that the Tlaxcaltecs were the true conquerors which wanted to have the domain that at that time belonged to the Aztecs, “Muñoz Camargo relata como lo capitanes tlaxcaltecas proponen una estrategia focalizada en la conquista y el control de la provincia del Tepeyac y a todos sus alrededores y comarcas” (25)[3] They help the Spaniards because they know they will benefit from the situation that was occurring. Viveros Espinoza proposes to give the natives the title of "unifiers" who accept the Catholic religion and also the miscegenation product of the fusion of these two cultures.
Following this same line, Ruano de la Haza's article is divided into two parts. The first makes a comparison of Matthew Restall’s book Seven Myths of the Spanish Conquest. The second examines Fernando Zárate's comedy, providing an analysis of how the Spanish conqueror was perceived in the 17th century. This comedy praises a heroic Cortés, capable of conquering an empire and, as if that were not enough, he was blessed by God: “Pero para un espectador contemporáneo la escena debía de ser perfectamente coherente. Los españoles son soldados de Cristo que demuestran la superioridad de su Dios por la fuerza de las armas” (198)[4] His work allows a deeper analysis of the primary text of Fernando Zárate which compares slightly with a work by Lope de Vega titled El nuevo mundo descubierto por Cristóbal Colón. Ruano de la Haza delves into descriptions of the Spanish and indigenous populations of those times. These notes provide titles for both books and articles that deal with similar topics but are not included in this analysis. The novelty of this article is that it shows the true identity of Cortés as a cunning conqueror. He argues that the conquest could be carried out by the audacity of this man when using different masks/personalities. His work is validated by the analysis of Zárate's work and in accordance with the mythological arguments of the historian Matthew Restall.
Leetoy divides his article into two main themes. One, Los discursos de las mitologías del otro where he analyzes the signs of civilization and barbarism that the Spanish perceived in these native populations. The second theme is Justificando la invasión: las polémicas de subjetivación del indígena en la Nueva España, it is argued that the Catholic religion had a very important rank within the conquest of the Indies and that this allowed the justification that entailed all kinds of vexations committed against the Amerindian. It is also argued that such a deal was necessary in order to indoctrinate them.
To this Leetoy argues that, "Se podría decir que los conquistadores y catequizadores que llegaban a América desarrollan un fuerte dispositivo psicológico que los hace justificar sus deseos de posesión de tierras y almas si importar los excesos cometidos" (145)[5] These justifications were those used by the colonizers to be transmitted to the Old World and thus achieve the acceptance of the crown to move forward with the conquest of Mexico. The novelty of this article is to show the reader the ideological polarization in which the American Indian was immersed. Leetoy’s article relies on several primary texts by important characters such as Hernán Cortés, Bernal Díaz del Castillo, Bartolomé de las Casas, Fernández de Oviedo, López de Gómara, Fray Toribio de Motolinía and Juan Sepúlveda. This coupled with Michael Foucault's analysis of the savage and the barbarian. The citations used in this article complement and validate Leetoy's thesis that is based on the argumentation of the polarized dichotomy to represent the natives of the Indies, as well as demonstrating that the main objective of this conquest was due partly to indoctrinate the natives while dominating militarily.
Supporting Sources
Restall’s book, When Moctezuma met Cortés, relies on archival sources from the General Archive of the Indies in Seville, Spain and the General Archive of the Nation, in Mexico City. These texts allow the British historian to deconstruct the arguments presented to the crown in the 16th century since they contain different versions of the conquest of Mexico. The printed primary historiographical sources that are given the most emphasis are those that support the defense of the indigenous people in Mexico, such as Bartolomé de Las Casas, and Fray Toribio de Benavente. However, the texts of Juan de Sepúlveda, Cartas de Relación de Cortés, and the contribution of Francisco López de Gómara, among others, are used as a counterpart to what Restall proposes in his book. Within the secondary sources, we find renowned writers and literary critics such as Rolena Adorno, Elizabeth Boone and David Carrasco. The latter analyzes the supernatural in the Mexican cosmovision. There is intertextuality with other works of his, and he relies heavily on the text of Ignacio Romero Vargas with his book Moctezuma el Magnifico y la invasión de Anáhuac which follows the same line as Restall when refusing the way the story of the conquest was told: “…Cortés was no more than a [bandit], and his [invation]…and act of barbarism contrary to just law and a violation of the laws of human civilization” (250). The use of visual sources is also of paramount importance in this book as they provide the reader with the stigmatization of the Aztec culture through paintings, photographs, maps, and even cartoon comic fragments. The map of Mexico City made in 1519 shows the enormous territory that this Tenochca empire owned as well as the location of their allies. The codices show the indigenous population laying themselves at the service of the European invaders. The paintings where Moctezuma appears are exalting him as king of his people. Also shown are images of the Florentine Codices where the cremation of Moctezuma and Itzquauhtzin is represented, contradicting Cortés' version, where he argues that the Spanish gave the Aztec emperor a Christian burial.
On the other hand, Navarrete uses primary texts of chronicles such as Cartas de Relación de Cortés, Bernal Díaz del Castillo and Diego Muñoz Camargo to make a comparison of the figure of Malinche. That is, it contrasts Cortés against Bernal Díaz and Muñoz Camargo to point out how this conqueror never gave this historical character the value deserved. Navarrete uses the historiographic text of Bernal Díaz because he is the only one who makes explicitly mentions that her help was essential for the dialogue between Moctezuma and Cortés. The secondary sources used by Navarrete revindicate Doña Marina. Some of the sources incude Elizabeth Boone and James Lockhart. The use of visual sources supports Navarrete's work since Malitzin's figure appears next to Cortés, leading him to the top to overthrow the Aztec empire. These images are from four different canvases of Tlaxcala where you can see the baptism of Marina and her contribution in the conquest of Mexico. These images show the acceptance of the religion imposed by the Spaniards. In other words, she was a "noble savage." Like Restall, Navarrete does not use texts that would distort his argument, such as Juan de Sepúlveda, who saw the natives as barbarians unable to understand civilization.
Viveros Espinoza supports his work, as does Navarrete in primary texts of chronicles such as Las Cartas de Relación de Cortés, Bernal Díaz del Castillo and Diego Muñoz Camargo. These sources allow him to support his argument that the Tlaxcaltecs played an essential role in the conquest of Mexico. Secondary sources such as Walter Mignolo, Matthew Restall and Federico Navarrete interfere in favor of what is proposed by Viveros Espinoza. Like the previous writers, Viveros Espinoza uses only those critics who support his argument. For obvious reasons, he does not use texts that do not value Tlaxcaltec participation in this historical event, which was the defeat of the Aztec empire. Viveros Espinoza uses visual sources made by the historian Muñoz Camargo where the war that existed between these two bitter enemies is embodied; Tlaxcaltecs and Aztecs. The images presented by Viveros Espinoza also show how the Tlaxcaltecs were pacified and the service they provided to the crown, helping the Spanish invaders. It can be said that the work of Viveros Espinoza goes hand in hand with that of Restall, since both try to deconstruct the story; one by arguing that the Tlaxcaltecs were the true conquerors and the other deconstructing a false Cortés.
Ruano de la Haza analyzes and compares two important writers in his article: Matthew Restall Seventh Myths of the Spanish Conquest and Bolivian playwright Fernando Zárate with his work La conquista de México. These two sources make up Ruano de la Haza's thesis, which deals with the indirect criticism of the Spanish conqueror Hernán Cortés regarding all the masks he used to achieve his objectives during the conquest of Mexico. The primary historiographic source that Ruano de la Haza uses is that of Bernal Díaz del Castillo and Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca because they tell the story of the conquest in a different way from what Cortés does. Since Ruano de la Haza, as well as Restall, Viveros Espinoza and Navarrete, intend to deconstruct the history of different characters involved in the conquest of Mexico, the case of Cortés is going to rely on secondary sources such as Henry Kamen and Ronald Wright. These two historians provide contributions that are useful for Ruano de la Haza regarding the different personalities that Cortés used. The sources justify its use since they contribute to demystifying the conquering hero who acted according to his convenience.
On his part, Salvador Leetoy uses primary sources of chronicles such as Bartolomé de las Casas, Hernán Cortés, Cristóbal Colon, Francisco López de Gómara, Fray Toribio de Motolinía and Juan de Sepúlveda. Because Leetoy makes an ethnic comparison in the conquest of Mexico, he uses Michael Foucault and his ideology about the good savage and the barbarian, showing the perspectives of Native Americans during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The work of the French philosopher, Defender la Sociedad, allows Leetoy to argue about these polarized dichotomies with which the Amerindians were stereotyped. On the other hand, secondary sources of historians such as Luis Villoro and Hayden White provide Leetoy with usable arguments about the indigenism he addresses in his article. These sources, both primary and secondary, justify their use in this work because they contradict each other, forming the ideologies of the wild noble in opposition to the wild barbarian that began during the conquest of the New World.
Conclusions
The infamous day when Moctezuma met Cortés has been a subject of utmost interest among scholars. Mainly, to present new historical perspectives of what happened in Mexico Tenochtitlan. As it is well known, the natives played an essential role during the conquest period. Although different versions were written about them, some justifying the war, others defending them against the mistreatments perpetrated by the colonizers, today the credibility of these letters, chronicles, and primary books concerning these historical events remain debatable. For this, Restall assumes the task of writing a book that claims the vindication of the penultimate Aztec emperor. He achieves the goal, and although he (Restall) is not able to change the history, he invites us to create a different perspective from what is already established in the traditional conquest accounts.
Navarrete's article complements this new perspective since he argues that the identity of the Malinche played an indispensable role for both the conquerors and the conquered. Doña Marina, as a woman and as an Indian, was not able to occupy an important role in the texts nor in Spanish society. For this reason, the conquerer does not mention her in his letter, Cartas de relación. If we read this article both from an indigenist and feminist perspective, we can say that it fulfills perfectly with all of the principal characteristics of these theories. Nonetheless, this article does not revindicate all indigenous women, who like Malitzin, offered their services to the pre-Colombian civilizations.
The article by Viveros Espinoza is also written with the intention of adding nuance to the Tlaxcaltecs, who are usually perceived as the ones that made the Aztec overthrow possible. Viveros Espinoza’s work emphasizes the Tlaxcalans agency in the overthrow of the Aztecs, while reminding us of their short-sightedness regarding the Spanish power. Their overall goal, according to Viveros was to place themselves in a position of power as well.
Ruano de la Haza's article shows how Zárate's work goes out of its way to flatter the conqueror Hernán Cortés, while indirectly criticizing him by giving some value to the victims of that conquest. These criticisms reflect the disapproval of many people, but they were not able to express their opinions for fear of being harmed.
Lastly, Leetoy, following the same line, exposes how the ideological constructions of the indigenous placed a stigma of good savage or barbarian, as it is clear by the intentions of the conquerors. His work helps understand how the violent actions that were perpetrated against the original peoples were justified. This text could delve a little deeper into the analysis of how the natives themselves conquered other peoples to further understand their concept of war and tribute.
The field of Colonial Studies continues to provide valuable contributions, such as the ones reviewed here. The texts analyzed in this work vindicate the figure of the indigenous agents, giving them the value they deserve for being members of the society that was invaded by European colonizers. Similarly, the historical deconstruction of the conquest is worked from different angles by each of these writers.
Footnotes
[1] I can say with total honesty that without them we would never have conquered this land.
[2] ) “These stories or codices, as Mesoamerican visual stories are often called, sought to demonstrate the fundamental importance of the Tlaxcalan contribution to the Spanish victory and thus confirm and obtain privileges from the viceregal government and the Spanish crown.”
[3]“Muñoz Camargo recounts how the Tlaxcalan captains propose a strategy focused on the conquest and control of the province of Tepeyac and all its surroundings and regions."
[4] “But for a contemporary spectator, the scene must be perfectly coherent. The Spaniards are soldiers of Christ who demonstrate the superiority of their God by the force of arms."
[5] “It could be said that the conquerors and catechists who arrived in America develop a strong psychological device that makes them justify their desires for possession of land and souls without any regard of the excesses committed."
[2] ) “These stories or codices, as Mesoamerican visual stories are often called, sought to demonstrate the fundamental importance of the Tlaxcalan contribution to the Spanish victory and thus confirm and obtain privileges from the viceregal government and the Spanish crown.”
[3]“Muñoz Camargo recounts how the Tlaxcalan captains propose a strategy focused on the conquest and control of the province of Tepeyac and all its surroundings and regions."
[4] “But for a contemporary spectator, the scene must be perfectly coherent. The Spaniards are soldiers of Christ who demonstrate the superiority of their God by the force of arms."
[5] “It could be said that the conquerors and catechists who arrived in America develop a strong psychological device that makes them justify their desires for possession of land and souls without any regard of the excesses committed."
Sources
Leetoy, Salvador. “Las justificaciones de la guerra de Conquista a través de la mitología del otro: Las dicotomías del Buen Salvaje y el Bárbaro en crónicas de los siglos XVI y XVII”. Revista de Estudios para el desarrollo social de la comunicación, no.5, 2009, pp. 145-158. www.redes.com.
Navarrete, Federico. “La Malinche, la Virgen y la montaña: el juego de la identidad en los códices tlaxcaltecas”. Historia, São Paulo, vol. 26, no. 2, 2007, pp. 288-310. www.scielo.br.
Restall, Matthew. When Moctezuma met Cortés. Harper Collins, 2018.
Ruano de la Haza, José M. “Las Máscaras de Cortés: La conquista de México de Fernando de Zárate”. Bulletin de comediantes, vol. 58, no.1, 2006, pp.189-205. http://doi.org/10.1353/boc.2006.0013.
Viveros Espinoza, Alejandro. “Indios conquistadores en la descripción de la ciudad y provincia de Tlaxcala (1584) de Diego Muñoz Camargo”. Chilena de literatura, no 98, 2018, pp. 11-36. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/26542752.
Navarrete, Federico. “La Malinche, la Virgen y la montaña: el juego de la identidad en los códices tlaxcaltecas”. Historia, São Paulo, vol. 26, no. 2, 2007, pp. 288-310. www.scielo.br.
Restall, Matthew. When Moctezuma met Cortés. Harper Collins, 2018.
Ruano de la Haza, José M. “Las Máscaras de Cortés: La conquista de México de Fernando de Zárate”. Bulletin de comediantes, vol. 58, no.1, 2006, pp.189-205. http://doi.org/10.1353/boc.2006.0013.
Viveros Espinoza, Alejandro. “Indios conquistadores en la descripción de la ciudad y provincia de Tlaxcala (1584) de Diego Muñoz Camargo”. Chilena de literatura, no 98, 2018, pp. 11-36. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/26542752.
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